The militarisation of Irish society, precipitated by Unionist leaders Edward Carson and James Craig, during the ill-fated Home Rule Crisis, triggered “events that would have appalled them.”Professor Michael Laffan believes that “without Carson and Craig, there would have been no Easter Rising.” The establishment of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in January 1913 to militarily resist the mere possibility of Home Rule stimulated the formation of Irish Volunteer Force (IVF), modelled on the UVF, to reinforce the Nationalist demand for Home Rule. It was this organisation, the IVF, that provided a public face for the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) to heavily infiltrate and be utilised as “a sword to smite England.”
The Easter Rising had been in the making since the IRB or Fenian movement was formed in 1858 by James Stephens in Dublin. The IRB was a small, secret revolutionary body whose primary objective was to use force to “establish and maintain a free and Independent Republican Government in Ireland.” Previous rebellions in the 19th century against British rule had failed ignominiously, leading to a decline in activity and membership. But, the Fenian flame was never totally extinguished as memories and romanticism carried through generations waiting for the ideal moment to be reignited. By the early 20th century, a new dynamism emerged in Belfast as the IRB were rejuvenated under Bulmer Hobson and Denis McCullough. Added to this reigniting of the Fenian flame was the return to Ireland from the US in 1907 of veteran IRB member, the “iconic figure” of Thomas Clarke. Clarke had served 15 years in English prison for his part in a Fenian bombing campaign. Enduring the might and callousness of the English penitentiary system, that aimed to break, destroy and drive Fenian prisoners insane, treated with absolute contempt, subjected to inhuman and cruel treatment, kept in solitary confinement and forbidden to speak, Clarke left prison a damaged man, yet was more committed than ever to revolution: he would simply start all over again. Within a short time of returning to Ireland, Clarke was co-opted onto the Supreme Council of the IRB where, along with Sean MacDermott, he relentlessly revitalised the IRB.
As the Home Rule Crisis took a militant swing, Bulmer Hobson realised the IRB could exploit this situation. In November 1913, Hobson along with others organised a Provisional Committee and launched the Irish Volunteer Force in Dublin. Eoin MacNeill, the University lecturer, was selected as the “public face” of the organisation, the puppet, whose strings would be IRB-controlled. IRB men were infiltrated into leadership positions in the Volunteers. As the movement proliferated, John Redmond, the Nationalist leader, wanted control over the organisation. Hobson supported this, against the advise of the IRB Supreme Council, creating a monumental split with himself and Clarke which was irreparable.
By late June 1914, IRB leader and co-revivalist, Sean MacDermott, who was Clarke’s closet associate, prompted by the outbreak of war after the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo, stated “… England will join and that will be our time to strike.” Genuine preparations for a Rising began only with the outbreak of World World One. The Easter Rising was planned and carried out by the IRB. Clarke saw this moment as a “once in a lifetime opportunity” with socialist James Connolly declaring in August 1914, “I will not miss this chance.” Patrick Pearse, the future Commandant General of the Army of the Irish Republic and President of the Provisional Government, saw WW1 “as a supreme moment for Ireland. We shall go down to our graves beaten and disgraced men if we are not ready for it.” The War gave the IRB the advantageous circumstances and an opportune moment to strike a blow for Irish freedom when Britain was experiencing the greatest challenge in her history, accentuating the maxim “England’s difficulty would be Ireland’s opportunity.” By mid August the IRB Supreme Council decided, and further ratified on the 9th September at a conference organised among Irish Separatists in Dublin, the opportunity of WW1 to mount a rebellion against British rule would be seized. An advisory group was tasked with compiling proposals for a Rebellion, made up of Eamon Ceannt, Joseph Plunkett and Patrick Pearse.
Redmond’s public announcement at Woodenbridge, committing the IVF to the war effort was a “heaven sent” moment that advanced the IRB revolutionary project to heights unimaginable. A split in the IVF ensued, with 11,000 volunteers refusing “to go where the firing line extend.” Within a month, the IRB were to hold key positions in the now split Irish Volunteers, deeply penetrating the movement. In Autumn 1914, John Devoy, the leader of Clan na nGael, had made contact with the German Ambassador in New York, requesting weapons be sent to Ireland. Sir Roger Casement was tasked with visiting Germany to acquire weapons and establish an Irish Brigade amongst Irish POW. When this was proving futile, Joseph Plunkett was sent to “kickstart the stalled” negotiations. Plunkett eloquently presented the Ireland Report to the Germans outlining the state of play in Ireland, requesting 12,000 German troops and 40,000 weapons. Plunkett returned to Ireland without a definite promise, hoping to depict and prove that the IRB were serious in their intentions.
Perhaps the single most important factor in the planning of the Rising was the appointment of the IRB Military Committee (renamed Military Council) in May 1915 to “formulate plans for an insurrection.” This was made up of Joseph Plunkett, Eamon Ceannt and Patrick Pearse who were also members of the Irish Volunteer Executive and Volunteer HQ Staff. Clarke and MacDermott “drove the revolutionary enterprise” and joined the Military Council in September 1915, involved directly in the planning of the Rising. The Military Council acted in almost impenetrable secrecy on the basis of absolute trust and confidentiality. Three copies of their military plans were drafted and no original is known to exist.
As plans were progressing for a Rebellion, another serendipitous moment for the IRB arrived on 29th June 1915. The death in the US of the veteran Fenian, Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa, provided a propaganda coup for the IRB and the opportunity to reawaken the Irish revolutionary spirit. Time was not wasted as Tom Clarke cabled John Devoy, “send his body home at once.” In a stage managed, meticulously planned and choreographed under the guise of the Wolfe Tone Memorial Association, many who were involved in the organisation were later to devise, fight and die in the Easter Rebellion. The provocative graveside oration of Pearse became a unifying symbol of revolutionary zeal, inspirational to the new generation “rebaptised in the Fenian faith” … It effectively became a call to arms that inspired revolutionary republicanism.
By late 1915 key locations were selected throughout Dublin. In late December, early January, a date, 21st April 1916, was selected for the commencement of a Rebellion. This was later changed. Around Christmas 1915, James Connolly’s Irish Citizens Army (ICA), set up after the Dublin Lockout to protect workers, was very prominent in manoeuvring. This caused alarm within the leadership of the IRB, leading to Connolly being co-opted onto the Military Council in January 1916, an alliance that was “Clarke’s master stroke.” As time progressed, the Military Council’s plans were well advanced and refined as commandants carried out reconnaissance of key locations and were encouraged to prepare their men psychologically and militarily. The Military Council’s plans were two fold – to prevent British military access to Dublin city centre and keep lines of communication open between Dublin and the countryside. The GPO was chosen to be the Volunteers central headquarters: Dublin would be the epicentre for armed insurrection. Word from Germany of a weapons shipment only served to galvanise the Military Council. By early April 1916, the last of the seven man Military Council was installed, University lecturer, Thomas MacDonagh.
The IRB Military Council believed it had a right to act on behalf of the Irish people, “people as a rule prefer to sleep. Awakenings are always bitter.” By Tuesday 18th April 1916, the Military Council approved the text for the Proclamation of the Irish Republic and later signed it. Due to his long service to Irish Republicanism, Tom Clarke was allegedly the first signatory to the document, as the other members of the Military Council followed. Pearse was appointed his roles. Connolly was made Vice President of the Irish Republic.
Hobson, MacNeill and other Volunteers regarded premature rebellion as both immoral and counterproductive – they believed only if the British Government acted against the Volunteers or arrest their leaders, should armed resistance begin. As Holy Week was to progress, the secret and carefully-laid plans were to take a number of detrimental blows . By Wednesday evening, the “Castle Document” took public precedence. Based on real British information, the document was “sexed up” by Joseph Plunkett that there were imminent plans to arrest the Volunteer leadership. In response MacNeill was willing to support a rebellion. Also presented to MacNeill was the fact, an arms shipment from Germany was en route and ready for landing within days. A severe blow to the Rising was dealt when the arms shipment, on board the Aud was scuttled on Good Friday with Sir Roger Casement arrested and taken to London to be tried for treason. The news of the arrest finally convinced MacNeill that he had been deceived by Pearse and Plunkett. After a stormy confrontation between the parties, MacNeill issued a countermanding order, published in the Sunday Independent cancelling the initial “manoeuvres” for Easter Sunday, that were fundamentally the beginning of the Easter Rising – severely reducing the number of Volunteers who would take part in the Rebellion. Sunday morning’s order resonated throughout Dublin as the Military Council convened a meeting at Liberty Hall denouncing the orders as “the blackest and greatest treachery!” James Connolly cried. Tom Clarke wanted to strike straight away. Clarke believed success was now impossible: “It is hopeless, but we must go on.” It was agreed by the Military Council, 12 noon, Easter Monday, 24th April, would see the commencement of the Rebellion, in confused circumstances, isolating the affair, solely to Dublin, dooming it to failure.
In essence, England’s difficulty did become Ireland’s opportunity … this initial gamble by the IRB may have militarily failed, but an opportunity did present itself with the British mishandling of the Rebellion, that would lead to a very different post-War Ireland.
Next week – “The fighting: What happened during Easter Week, 1916?”
In all fairness to the “loyalists”, planning and funding for another rebellion began in the USA in “Mad General” John O’Neill’s Fenian circles.
He was persuaded that his three madcap Irish Brigade raids on Canada to harass the Brutish Empire in her colonies were not enough, and that effort had to be made “at home”.
He slipped into Ireland in the early 1860s, and what became The Clan in the USA began funding bodies dedicated to rousing fresh nationalism on the island. Most fighting rebels came from the sporting, language/culture and scout bodies.
William Roantree, who spent perhaps more time in British jails than Clarke, began the money-running from Leixlip, O’Neill’s son George picking up the baton as Roantree was being watched and aging.
His son James O’Neill, to succeed Connolly as Irish Citizen Army chief and joint forces Dublin logistics and intelligence head for the War of Independence, took over when George died, and passed on the funds to Clarke when he in turn returned.
Roantree died at a ripe old age in 1921.
Clarke’s tobacconist shop was under close surveillance at all times by the British, most of the visitors before the Rising executed or sentenced to death.
The “loyalists” therefore had a good idea from intelligence reports of the threat to their links with England and other aspects of life well before the Rising.
Prior to 1916 we know that workers were engaged in fierce struggles with employers. Karl Marx quotes from Reports of the Poor Law Inspectors on the Wages of Agricultural Labourers in Dublin, 1870, to show that between the years 1849 and 1869, while wages in Ireland had risen fifty or sixty per cent, the prices of all necessaries had more than doubled.
In 1867, a large poster in London stated:
“Fat Oxen, Starving Men – the fat oxen from their palaces of glass, have gone to feed the rich in their luxurious abode, while the starving poor are left to rot and die in their wretched dens”
The quotation needs to be considered in the context of An Gorta Mór and the thousands of people forced to leave Ireland in order to earn a living in the industrial centres of England and further afield. Wealth was accumulated and consolidated on the back of slavery, wage slaves and other forms of human exploitation. Feniansim developed in cities such as Dublin and Cork, sites of industrial struggle based on the need to improve the lives of working men and women. James Connolly asserted the primacy of economic independence for working people and he paid the ultimate price for his convictions, however, the aftermath of 1916 exposed the myth about a “war to end all wars” and the role of the “murder machine” in Ireland.
Another first class article Ciaran Mc, well done. Keep them coming
I second that emotion
“Wealth was accumulated and consolidated on the back of slavery, wage slaves and other forms of human exploitation”
We never really talk about slavery in Ireland lolar, though the irish were slaves before the black Africans were, and interbred with black slaves later to make them more valuable by being less black.
Perhaps it is shame
Thank you, the point was not lost on James Connolly though, nor would he recognize the Irish Labour Party. Don’t forget the issue of people trafficking at the present time. We tend not to talk about “prostitution” in Ireland either. Pray why?
Great synopsis of the events