Brexit has once more brought into sharp focus the fault line of partition at the heart of Irish politics.
WHEN I left the EU referendum media centre at Titanic in Belfast, last Friday morning at 5:45am, dawn had broken. I looked up and realised the giant Harland & Wolff shipyard cranes were right above me. That skyline image was once synonymous with the presumed unassailability of the Northern state’s dominance – a thought I pondered for a moment.
The results of the EU referendum were finally confirmed.
Switching on the car radio, the news was awash with the immediate fall-out: stunned disbelief amongst many commentators as well as campaigners on both sides, chaos in the world markets, and a crash in the value of sterling. Overnight, in the space of a few hours, the British state had been plunged into political and economic crisis.
The majority of voters in the Six Counties – from across the political spectrum – decided the North should remain in the EU. All my canvassing and discussions with wider civic society during this referendum campaign had suggested to me that was a likely outcome.
In reality, this referendum was always about a civil war between British Conservative right-wing factions. It is unacceptable that the democratic will of this region should be overruled and subverted by English voters.
The economic and financial future for citizens in the North and the entire Border region has become one of unimagined uncertainty.
200,000 jobs in Ireland depend upon €1.2billion of trade between North and South each week.
Brexit directly threatens all that – and more.
I have previously challenged British Tory Secretary of State Theresa Villiers to say whether Brexit would benefit our people, and if her government would replace lost investment, trade and funding. She refused to answer then, and since.
However, the majority of our people knew the answers to those questions. They spoke clearly last Thursday week and their current outrage is justified.
Theresa Villiers should follow David Cameron and resign. She has absolutely no authority to represent the economic or social interests of people in the North or on any matter relating to our relationship with the EU.
Brexit is the price of Ireland’s continued partition.
The North will now face an even more right-wing British Tory government and greater levels of austerity.
There is only one tenable position for the regional Assembly and Executive – they must respect and underpin the democratic decision of the North.
The urgent focus of the regional political institutions and Irish Government must be to secure the North’s special relationship with the EU and protect the trade, investment and funding that are essential to support our regional and island economies.
The local Executive’s budget, Programme for Government (PFG), and democratic will of our people must not be held hostage to the anti-democratic agenda of British right-wing Tories.
Significantly, British Tory Chancellor of Exchequer George Osborne has since forecast serious consequences for public spending and services because of the Brexit decision.
The British state as we know it is now gripped in an unparalleled crisis with far-reaching constitutional and political repercussions. But the political imperative now for our regional government must be to stand up for local democracy, and against austerity.
The new Assembly has a responsibility to take forward an agenda of transformational change. That must not be undermined as a result of Brexit’s political and economic aftershocks.
The PFG offers a new policy paradigm that puts the well-being of community at the heart of decision making.
The proposed consultation process should be embraced as a strategic opportunity by local businesses, trade unions, our rural and urban-based community sectors, and wider civic society to further democratise government in the North.
The Executive should listen very carefully to that feedback.
Increased engagement and partnership with wider civic society should now define how the new regional government works.
There is a need for a step-change. Brexit must not be allowed to distract from that.
Renewed commitment to power-sharing and partnership must be central to the new mandate.
That will be as much a test for those parties that have chosen ‘Opposition’ as for those entrusted with governmental responsibility.
It is crucial the approach governing this forthcoming Programme for Government is radical, innovative and transformational.
The political institutions and PFG must refuse to be fettered by institutional orthodoxy and must resolutely oppose austerity.
It is essential that Northern political institutions act as a bulwark against British Tory austerity.
Justice and policing remain central to the continued democratic transformation of the Six Counties.
Earlier this week, as Sinn Féin’s spokesperson on Justice, I told the Assembly I would be seeking increased investment in frontline policing, community restorative justice programmes, and effective service delivery to make our community a safer place.
Justice agencies and processes must be appropriately resourced to ensure they administer not only appropriate punishment but also deterrence and rehabilitation.
The justice system must be responsive to young people, vulnerable women, disadvantaged families and our elderly citizens.
Everyone should have adequate access to justice.
That includes those families who are denied truth and justice because of the British Government’s refusal to finance legacy investigations and inquests.
There must also be greater accountability regarding the use of public funding.
As a member of the Assembly’s new Public Accounts Committee, I also placed on record a clear absence of transparency and accountability, and a culture of disregard concerning the use of public funds.
That is never acceptable but more especially when our Executive’s budget is being raided by the Tories and too many families are living in hardship.
I and Sinn Féin will be prioritising a zero-tolerance policy towards the misuse and abuse of public funds in the coming five-year mandate.
We will be standing up for what is right, for sustainable public services, and against austerity, gombeenism and ‘strokes’.
Brexit has once more brought into sharp focus the fault line of partition at the heart of Irish politics.
The Brexit result has just unleashed a ‘Titanic’ battle in the defence of local democracy and Irish national interests.
‘A luta continua’ – the struggle continues.
“200,000 jobs in Ireland depend upon €1.2billion of trade between North and South each week. ”
Could you clarify that for me Declan?
Are you saying there is €1.2billion of trade between North and South each week?
I was under the impression that there was £1 billion of trade between the republic of Ireland and the UK each week, including north south but that the majority of this was to England?
That would be a major reason I would be supportive of Ireland following England out of the EU, so if you are saying the majority of this trade is actually north south and within Ireland, I would have a totally different view and would be in total agreement with you and say screw England, lets unite the country now.
You can see how misleading comments over brexit can be so I would really appreciate of you could clarify this for us all?
Had a quick Google and found this.
https://www.dfa.ie/media/dfa/alldfawebsitemedia/ourrolesandpolicies/ourwork/statevisit2014/Economic-Facts.pdf
“The urgent focus of the regional political institutions and Irish Government must be to secure the North’s special relationship with the EU and protect the trade, investment and funding that are essential to support our regional and island economies.”
Correct me if I am wrong Declan, but I was under the impression that 95% of Irelands exports were to Britain or non EU countries and only 5% to the EU excluding the UK.
If the UK leave the EU, can you explain to me how securing the North’s special relationship with the EU will protect this trade or if you believe that EU investment and funding will adequately compensate to support our regional and island economies?
“Correct me if I am wrong Declan, but I was under the impression that 95% of Irelands exports were to Britain or non EU countries and only 5% to the EU excluding the UK.”
I’m not sure your right about that one Jessica, the figures below say at least 30% of Ireland’s exports go to EU countries excluding the UK. They are from 2014 but I’m sure there not hugely diffrent today.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_Republic_of_Ireland
Thanks Scott
Hard to beat wikipedia Scott.
I wonder how accurate it is though?
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Northern_Ireland
According to this, NI exports brought in £6.327 billion (2015) and 33% are to ROI which is £2.08791bn or weekly £0.0401521153846154bn
How can we be expected to discuss this rationally when we are not getting factual information and most debates border on hysteria?
The citation in the Wikipedia article will lead you to the Republics official trade figures so I’m happy enough with the source.
Absolutely the debate must be based on fact, that’s why I’m worried. NI does 33% or 2 billion trade with the south and it’s now been put into jeopardy by the Brexit vote. I’ve stop listening to the fallout on the radio however. Until we get a new PM and the negotiations begin its all speculation.
The key for the negotiations has to be getting access to the free market. To what degree we will have to pay into the EU and to what degree will immigration be tolerated will be the question.
“That includes those families who are denied truth and justice because of the British Government’s refusal to finance legacy investigations and inquests.”
Could I ask what if anything the EU has ever done to support those families who are denied truth and justice because of the British Government’s abuse of human rights over cover ups of collusion, direct state involvement in murder, protecting informants at the expense of loss of life, serious injury or child sexual abuse?
Could I ask what if anything the EU has ever done in light of any evidence produced such that of loughinisland report where those involved who have been identified as being involved in collusion leading to murder have their names protected under national security?
I would genuinely love to hear that the EU has human rights at its core, cares about its citizens and that there are steps under way to apply pressure in support of such issues, but I fear my concerns that the EU is more concerned about the health of the Euro and the Bundesbank, that they wont really give a damn about us.
Please prove me wrong.
“The Brexit result has just unleashed a ‘Titanic’ battle in the defence of local democracy and Irish national interests.”
It has????
All I am hearing is how terrible it will be that our children wont be able to travel freely around Europe, wont be able to live or work there. It is absolutely amazing how so many Irish managed to live and work all over the planet outside the EU.
There was a 56% in favour of EU, but how many of those voted against a harder border and don’t really care about being in the EU? It is as if uniting the country doesn’t really matter so long as we are in Europe.
I have not heard one voice say, lets keep our heads, realise there are bigger stakes than membership of the EU, that the break up of the UK offers an opportunity to create a new union on these islands, one that could not only unite all of our people unionists included, but also be an opportunity to reset the damage done in 2007/2008 when thanks to Fianna Fails overheating the economy to pay for growing house prices, the southern economy is struggling with unrealistically high wages and costs of living and to create a new Ireland which may or may not be in the EU depending on what the people decide in a referendum of our own. Would that not be real democracy?
The truth is, we simply wont know what is best for Ireland until we know what the relationship between England and the EU will be.
The EU has also taken an ugly route in recent years, and reform of the EU I would consider a positive and one that Ireland should be encouraging and not simply doing what its told for fear of having higher interest rates imposed on its debts.
It is through debt that Germany is controlling all of the EU, and would you argue against me if I said Ireland already no longer has any sovereignty and is fast losing any credibility?
The struggle continues my arse!
And what has Sinn Fein done to oversee the planning and operation of the green energy scandal?
Organisations and even private clubs were encouraged to join the scheme which gave them a new biomass boiler at a heavily subsidised price and the facility to run that boiler 24-7 12 months of the year, even going at full blast during the warmest weather with doors and windows open so the greatest amount of fuel would be burned.
And the kicker – the more fuel burned the more profit the user would make – and at absolutely no cost!
What sort of civil servant could design such a hare-brained scheme, and what politician or party (apparently a DUP minister) could go along with such unbelievable money up in smoke scheme?
I note that Declan has still to reply to Jessica’s various queries on his blog above.One might have thought that having been invited to contribute his thinking on “Brexit”,he would have the courtesy to respond to her.
Maybe he was overwhelmed by 4 in a row.