The discussion about Irish unity was inevitable after Brexit when the British voted to remove themselves from the European Union. In doing so they also removed the six north -eastern counties of Ireland where a majority voted to remain in the EU. This created a new political and economic situation with regard to the British imposed border in Ireland.
Since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement the economic border in Ireland hardly existed since all of Ireland was within the EU. With Brexit, much to the delight of unionists, the political border in Ireland since 1920 was regarded once again as an international border. When the EU negotiated a deal with the British government they included a Protocol which would protect the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and avoid the return of an economic border on the island of Ireland. Goods entering the North would be checked at ports. The DUP were not happy as they saw this as a weakening of the Union of the north of Ireland with the UK, They continue to oppose the Protocol and continue to make threats to withdraw from the power-sharing executive in Stormont.
Brexit has the potential to de–rail the Good Friday Agreement and the ever growing integration of the northern counties with the rest of Ireland. That is why the support of the EU and the USA are so important
Those in the Dublin government and others who were concerned about the implications for the Good Friday Agreement brought these concerns to Europe and to the US. Fortunately, both political blocs expressed strong support for the Good Friday Agreement and the desire of the people that there can be no return to an economic border on the island of Ireland. This was central to the 1998 GFA.
Republicans and others also argued that the GFA contained a clause stating that a Border referendum would be held to decide the future of the border in Ireland. A ‘yes’ vote in the north for Irish unity would require a transfer of sovereignty from Westminster to an all-Ireland government. The result of the Brexit referendum in the six counties which showed 55% for Remaining in the EU and 45% for leaving is one of a number of indications that a majority is now in favour of uniting with the rest of Ireland and staying in the EU. The recent public opinion polls also indicate that a majority favour Irish unity.
The decision about when to hold a border poll lies with the British Secretary of State. Some who are opposed to the border poll say that a substantial number of Unionists need to be persuaded. That is not what the GFA states. It states that a simple majority of voters in both jurisdictions in Ireland shall decide the future of Ireland in a border referendum.
It would be preferable to have a substantial section of Unionists in favour of the change of sovereignty to an all-Ireland political institution but that seems unlikely. Anyhow, it is not necessary for the constitutional change to take place,
The debate about Irish unity cannot be confined to a discussion about uniting the people first. The first discussion has to be about the injustice of Partition and the right of the Irish people to sovereignty. When that is resolved all the other issues about identity, symbols and the rights of minorities will be resolved.
The Dublin government has a special responsibility to work to restore Irish sovereignty and to implement the will of the people. Clearly the will of the vast majority of the Irish people is to implement fully the Good Friday Agreement which includes the holding of a Border referendum. The Dublin government should be moving towards implementing the will of the people at the earliest opportunity by publishing their plan for bringing about the re-unification of Ireland. Their plan should make it clear to nationalists and republicans that they are taking their demand for the full implementation of the Belfast Agreement seriously. Only when they do, will Irish citizens be satisfied that their wishes are not being ignored by Dublin.
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