“It has been the RUC who have held the fabric of this society together for the past 30 years” – Mo Mowlam on the RUC, 9th of September 1999.
The words of Mo Mowlam on that day will ring hollow to many a Catholic, nationalist and Republican who through no fault of their own fell at the hands of a weapon or intelligence handed to Loyalists or direct action of the RUC. Founded on the 1st of June 1922, the RUC was from its inception an extension of Unionist Stormont, of Unionist rule and it seemed cared nought of making that very clear while at the same time openly claiming it was a police force for all.
Ironically, a publication dated 2006 titled ‘This brave and resolute stand’ by The Royal Ulster Constabulary George Cross Foundation openly states, and I quote – ”The RUC was often accused of bias in favour of the Unionist community, and sometimes of direct collusion with Loyalist terrorists, yet between 1972 and 2001 8000 Loyalists were charged with terrorist/serious public order tye offences as a result of police investigations and the RUC solved 50% of murders committed by Loyalists compared to 30% of those committed by Republicans.” The same publication states under the title, ‘Progressive Policing’ that the RUC pioneered the “Adoption of a strong Human Rights based approach to policing.”
Obviously, in that case, the RUC wouldn’t have colluded with the UDA on the Sean Graham’s Bookies massacre which they did, 2 of the gunmen weren’t RUC Special Branch agents which they were and the RUC didn’t give the guns back to the UDA previously after they were picked up which they did. In fact, the guns handed back to the UDA were not only used in the Sean Graham massacre but in a number of other shootings and it would have required the authority of senior RUC officers to put those guns back into the hands of the UDA. Additionally, as the RUC were so adamant that a person’s human rights weren’t impinged upon, they certainly wouldn’t simply go ahead and target someone for murder like a Human Rights solicitor like, for instance, Pat Finucane or Rosemary Nelson…which they did.
I don’t need to tell the reader that the RUC were up to their necks in collusion. Indeed when John Stevens’ report was published it stated as follows – “My Enquiry team also investigated an allegation that senior RUC officers briefed the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for the Home Department, the Rt Hon Douglas Hogg QC, MP, that ‘some solicitors were unduly sympathetic to the cause of the IRA’. Mr Hogg repeated this view during a debate on the Prevention of Terrorism legislation in the House of Commons. Within a few weeks, Patrick Finucane was murdered. Mr Hogg’s comments about solicitors’ support for terrorism made on 17 January 1989 aroused controversy. To the extent that they were based on information passed by the RUC, they were not justifiable and the Enquiry concludes that the Minister was compromised.”
As we know, Stevens’ inquiry was obstructed by not only senior RUC officers but also shadowy elements from within the intelligence community knowing full well that if their collusion was uncovered by one of their own, the allegations from the nationalist community would stick and would open a can of worms the likes of which the British intelligence community had never seen. This is why Stevens’ offices in Seapark RUC station in Carrickfergus were burned along with most of the team’s files.
One example of the collusion between the RUC Special Branch and Loyalist terrorists was how they ran the West Belfast brigadier of the UDA, Tommy Lyttle for many years while his terrorist unit carried out sectarian murders unhindered by his handlers or the RUC. It was Lyttle who ordered the murder of Pat Finucane. Lyttle also confirmed that British Army intelligence had provided assistance in importing arms into Northern Ireland from South Africa.
Lyttle’s handler had discussed the comments of Minister Douglas Hogg in Parliament. He claimed his Special Branch handler said to him: “Why don’t you whack Finucane?” Brian Nelson was called to Lyttle’s home in Belfast (Sydney Street West) and told to prepare a file on Pat Finucane. When he reported back to his handlers, rather than discourage him from taking on the operation, FRU members actively encouraged Brian Nelson to go ahead and in fact, gave him every possible assistance they could. They provided photographs and map details of Mr Finucane’s home off the city’s Antrim Road.
What is even more frightening is 2 different handlers were involved in 3 separate reconnaissance missions at the Finucane family home. One experienced FRU officer accompanied Nelson on two car trips to Pat Finucane’s street. Another officer, posing alongside Nelson as window cleaners, offered their ‘services’ to Pat Finucane’s neighbour so they could check out the rear of their target’s home.
Pat Finucane didn’t stand a chance. When the law, British intelligence and military are stacked against you for upholding human rights, how can you stand a chance?
And people wonder why Catholics, nationalists and Republicans didn’t trust the RUC?
There are two types of people who will read this. Those who know it already and those who cannot contemplate the truth of it. But that’s what colonial police forces do in a colonial situation.