Martin McGuinness resigned as Joint First Minister on 9th January due to serious allegations of financial corruption associated with the DUP at the heart of government in the north of Ireland and a denial of rights and equality.
That reality continues to overshadow the political process and therefore the Assembly and Executive continue to be suspended.
Since the resulting Assembly election on 2nd March, three rounds of talks have taken place to try and re-establish the political institutions.
The second round was interrupted due to the British Prime Minister’s decision to call an unscheduled Westminster general election.
Earlier this week the most recent phase of talks, which started after the Westminster election also ended with no agreement.
Sinn Féin shares the widespread public disappointment and frustration at this lack of progress.
The fact is that the first 17 days immediately after the Westminster election were squandered by both the DUP and British Conservative Party, who chose to conduct a parallel negotiation to get DUP support for a minority British Tory government.
That deal then played directly into the talks at Stormont Castle to re-establish the power sharing institutions.
During the previous two phases of talks in March and April the DUP refused to properly engage on the issues at the heart of the political crisis.
Their intransigence has now been rewarded and emboldened due to its formal political alliance with the British Conservative government.
So, in the last two weeks, the DUP has had absolutely no reason to address the failure to implement previous agreements, which go back as far as the Good Friday Agreement and relate to the Irish language, a Bill of Rights, legacy mechanisms to deal with the past, as well as wider rights issues, such as marriage equality and anti-sectarian measures.
Their opposition to progress on these issues has been directly aided and abetted by the British Government.
This government has caused massive damage to the political process since it came to power in 2010.
Its approach towards Brexit and alliance with the DUP has put it on a collision course with the fundamental principles of the Good Friday Agreement.
The anti-equality axis of the DUP and British Government has now been formalised.
In return for the DUP’s support to impose further austerity and pay cuts on emergency service and other public-sector workers, such as they who attended the Grenfell Tower inferno, this Conservative government have supported the DUP in denying the same language, marriage and other social rights enjoyed by people in England, Scotland, Wales and south of Ireland.
Perversely the DUP has tried to misrepresent Sinn Féin advocacy for an Irish language act as ‘cultural supremacy’. The DUP has both ridiculed and politicised the Irish language.
The fact is an Irish Language Act is about more than recognition of the Irish language. Fundamentally it is about equality for the Irish identity in the North. It has become totemic for the broader equality and rights agenda.
In recent weeks, unprecedented mass demonstrations supporting both Irish language and marriage equality rights have occurred in Belfast.
Fifty years ago, the civil rights campaign was launched in the north of Ireland. Its modest demands were met with violence and opposition.
Today an ‘equality revolution’ has been started. It is being driven by new generations inspired by a vision of change.
The DUP is saddled by views and dogma, which are the antithesis of a modern rights based society.
The Good Friday Agreement set out the basic requirements for equality and parity of esteem. The DUP has been attempting to hollow out power sharing, partnership and equality ever since.
The current talks have been focussed upon implementation of past agreements, which the British and Irish governments, and DUP have failed to embrace.
However, another serious question also arises, and that is whether the northern state and political unionism can accept parity of esteem for the Irish identity, and equality for all citizens, regardless to creed, class, colour, or culture.
The Assembly election in March ended the overall unionist majority in the political institutions.
The June Westminster election reduced the overall unionist share of the vote to below 50%.
This has never happened before. There has been a far-reaching realignment of politics in the North.
The momentum for change unleashed by Martin Mc Guinness’ resignation cannot be put back into the box.
Politics in the North will never be the same again.
No citizen or section of society here will ever again be put to the back of the bus.
The equality revolution embracing language, marriage, diversity and democratic rights is giving expression to the unfinished work of the Civil Rights campaign and the Good Friday Agreement.
The electoral mandates secured by Sinn Féin in March and June were not flukes.
There is now a popular expectation of how the northern political institutions should serve all citizens.
Those who voted for Sinn Féin will not consent to be governed any longer under terms set or dominated by the DUP. That era is over.
The DUP can only again go into government when it accepts the core principles of the Good Friday Agreement and the primacy of a rights based, inclusive and anti-sectarian society in the North.
Sinn Féin wants the political institutions established urgently, but not at the expense of continued institutionalised bigotry or political corruption.
A new standard has been set and it is not negotiable.
Rights and equality, and objective need governing public policy, must be at the centre of any future Executive and Assembly.
The newly mobilised and energised sections of progressive opinion in the North of Ireland will accept nothing less.
We can only move forward together as one community based on proper power sharing and parity of esteem. There will be no return to the status quo pre-9th January.
Both the DUP and British Government have much to reflect upon over the next two months!
Excellent article and it highlights an obvious and glaring hole in the DUP’s current swanning. While they throw dolla bills around like Puff Daddy and feel invincible due to their propping up from the UK, the fact is they are losing.
The Westminster election was Unionists’ call to arms and, while they attracted an impressive turnout, it was very ‘meh’.
A simple nationalist or anti-Brexit pact would reverse both North and South Belfast wins tomorrow.
In the very slighter longer game demographics are going to play a huge role in changing these narrow wins.
The DUP are going to need voters who classify themselves as Catholic and other on the census. While they claim to have a whole field of these unicorns, its certainly going to take a lot more.
They need to implement the Irish Language Act and equal marriage and a bunch of other stuff they don’t like because that’s where their future votes lie. In doing so they will alienate their current voters and a new hard core unionist party will come to the fore. But will unionists really risk splitting their votes when it all starts coming down to the wire in more and more districts?
Sinn Fein just have to sit back and wait. The future is swinging in their direction au natural and their voters know it.
Good post DannyDog, do you think the boundary changes will happen next year in 2018 now that the Conservatives are in bed with the DUP? The predicted seat changes would of had SF ahead by 2 seats if the changes happen. If they don’t happen surely its Gerrymandering at work again….
In the previous assembles it would appear sf worked the institutions as a platform to demonstrate to unionists that they were genuine in seeking a better life for all. This necessitated a series of compromises from the gfa and particularly from the st andrews on. This strategy was accompanied with a succession of outreach projects and gestures of reconciliation. Time will tell how much this has and will achieve. This stretched their electorate, many disengaged, many were antagonised. The hope that the 2 governments would ensure that compromise agreements reached would be honoured were dashed by the election of fine gael/tory governments.
The dup interpreted the above as a sign of weakness/opportunity and behaved appallingly, refused to implement agreements, scandals, nose holding, etc. RHI proved there was little likely hood of any, even hint, of decency in their dealings with the other parties. Are they, rather than sf, going to prove that the 6 Co state is a failure because they can’t continence equality?
Sinn Féin wants the political institutions established urgently, but not at the expense of continued institutionalised bigotry or political corruption.
Well said Declan i know from asking around in my own extended family that they are all Sinn Feinn voters,and are married into the same voters. I was a little shocked in a lot of cases to tell you the truth. But i found out the SDLP is dying and the young professionals and others are voting for Sinn Feinn, but don’t take it for granted i personally and i know many others who will not vote for Sinn Feinn to power share with the DUP/UDA without the agreements being put into place. No matter how long it takes.
It is clear that Unionism defines itself in opposition to what Nationalism wants, updated daily.
Burning toxic tires, plastics, foams, rubber in bonfires damaging your own health – OPPOSED!
SF embracing positions embraced by the majority of the youth, guarantees Unionism will oppose it. They are literally opposing their own future as they alienate all progressives from the Unionist community.
Time to slowly grind this out over the next decade. If it weren’t for demographics and Brexit, this strategic error by Unionism is enough to end the occupied statelet. All three combined guarantee we win a border poll by 1922 🙂