The recent comments by Gavin Robinson and Gregory Campbell in London, warning that a guilty verdict would be “seismic,” say more about the anxieties of unionist politics than they do about political reality. Such language suggests a belief that a dramatic legal outcome would fundamentally reshape how people view the former Sinn Féin leader. In truth, it is hard to imagine any verdict changing many minds at all.
Public opinion around figures associated with the North’s conflict has long been deeply settled. For supporters, decades of political identity, community experience, and historical interpretation shape their views far more strongly than a single courtroom judgment. For critics, those views are just as firmly fixed. A verdict—whatever it might be—will be filtered through those existing perspectives rather than rewriting them.
This is not unusual in societies emerging from conflict. When political leaders become symbolic figures, they cease to be judged solely on legal questions. Instead, they become part of a wider narrative about the past, about legitimacy, and about the future direction of politics. Supporters interpret events through one narrative; opponents through another. A court decision rarely bridges that divide.
The suggestion that such a moment would be “seismic” also risks overstating the power of legal proceedings to reshape political memory. Northern Ireland’s political landscape has already absorbed far more dramatic shocks: ceasefires, power-sharing collapses, peace agreements, and crises that once seemed unthinkable. Compared with those moments, a verdict in a single case is unlikely to redraw the political map.
If anything, the reaction would probably follow familiar lines. Those already critical would claim vindication; those supportive would question the case or emphasise other aspects of the historical context. The end result would be the same entrenched positions that have characterised debate for years.
In that sense, the truly unrealistic claim is not about the verdict itself, but about the expectation that it could transform public opinion. Northern Ireland’s political identities are far more durable than that.
Oh – and I should have mentioned. The Irish people don’t like their leaders or ex-leaders put in the dock of a Lonon court and asked to explain themselves. Either way, Gerry A is going to win this one.


Gavin has the same attitude as the likes of Ben Lowry, Nationalists bad, Unionists good. British good, Irish bad. His opinion, like Ben’s, cuts no ice. He is biased, just like the rest of us.